This report makes a number of overview observations dealing with broader issues of governance, human rights, the socio-economic impact of the COVID-19 pandemic and the criminal justice system. A central lesson to be taken from these findings is the need for continued vigilance in seeking a balancing of rights and the importance of evidence-based policy-making, especially where there is the potential that those already socio-economically vulnerable may be pushed deeper into poverty. Report by L Muntingh, J Mangwanda & K Petersen
Mozambique
Mozambique became independent from Portugal on 25 June 1975 after ten years of a war of independence lead by the marxist Front for the Liberation of Mozambique (Frelimo). Civil war followed between Frelimo and the Mozambique National Resistance (Renamo) from 1977. After Frelimo abandoned marxism in 1989, a peace agreement was reached in 1992. President Joaquim Chissano of Frelimo stepped down in 2004 after 18 years in office. President Armando Emilio Guebuza ruled the country in both terms until 2014. The last presidential elections saw the new FRELIMO candidate Giacinto Filipe Nyussi gain power with 57% of the votes, as confirmed by the Constitutional Court. The new government was sworn in on January 15, 2015.
Mozambique has mixed legal system of Portuguese civil law, Islamic law, and customary law.
Mozambique has a constitution dating from 2004.
The laws of Mozambique are available in Portuguese here.
ACJR has co-operated with the Mozambican Prison Service (SERNAP), the legal aid service (IPAJ), the Centre for Human Rights (CDH) at the University Eduardo Mondlane in Maputo, and REFORMAR, in carrying out research and reform.
Le Mozambique a acquit son indépendance du Portugal le 25 Juin 1975, après dix ans de guerre pour l'indépendance, menée par le Front Marxiste pour la Libération du Mozambique (Frelimo). Une guerre civile entre le Frelimo et la Résistance Nationale du Mozambique (Renamo) suivi l’indépendance à partir de 1977. Après que le Frelimo ait abandonné le marxisme en 1989, un accord de paix fut conclu en 1992. Le président Joaquim Chissano du Frelimo démissionna en 2004 après 18 ans au pouvoir. Président Armando Emilio Guebuza a gouverné le pays en deux mandats jusqu'en 2014. La dernière élection présidentielle a vu le nouveau candidat du Frelimo, Giacinto Philip Nyussi puissance de gain avec 57% des suffrages exprimés, comme l'a confirmé
Le Mozambique possède un système judiciaire mixte de droit civil portugais, de droit islamique et de droit coutumier. La Constitution date de 2004.
Les lois du Mozambique sont disponibles en portugais ici.
L'ACJR a collaboré avec plusieurs institutions étatiques et organisations de la société civile, y compris le Service pénitentiaire mozambicain (SERNAP), le service d'aide juridique (IPAJ), le Centre pour les droits de l'homme (CDH) à l'Université Eduardo Mondlane à Maputo et avec l'organisation REFORMAR afin d'entreprendre des travaux de recherche ayant comme objectif la réforme des politiques publiques et des pratiques.
Moçambique tornou-se independente de Portugal em 25 de Junho 1975, após dez anos de uma guerra de independência liderada pela Frente marxista para a Libertação de Moçambique (FRELIMO). A guerra entre a FRELIMO e a Resistência Nacional de Moçambique (RENAMO) seguiu a partir de 1977. Após FRELIMO abandonar o marxismo em 1989, chegou-se a um acordo de paz em 1992. O Presidente Joaquim Chissano da Frelimo deixou o poder em 2004, após 18 anos no cargo. O presidente Armando Emilio Guebuza governou o pais nos dois mandatos até 2014. As ultimas eleições presidenciais viram o novo candidato da FRELIMO, Giacinto Filipe Nyussi ganhar o poder com 57% dos votos, como confirmado pelo Tribunal Costitucional. O o novo governo foi empossado aos 15 de Janeiro de 2015.
Moçambique tem um sistema jurídico misto de Direito Português civil, Direito Islâmico, e direito consuetudinário.
O Moçambique tem uma Constituição que data de 2004.
As leis de Moçambique estão disponíveis em Português aqui.
A ACJR colabou com o Serviço Nacional Penitenciário (SERNAP), o Instituto Patrocínio Assistência Juridíca (IPAJ), o Centro de Direitos Humanos (CDH) da Universidade Eduardo Mondlane e a organização REFORMAR, para conduzir pesquisas aplicadas à reformas em justiça criminal e direitos humanos.
Report by T Lorizzo and V Petrovic (2022)
By L Muntingh, J Mangwanda, K Petersen, T Lorizzo and V Petrovic
Esta folha informativa discute o policiamento democrático como significando: (1) a obediência da Polícia ao Estado de Direito, (2) a responsabilização da Polícia, e (3) a justiça processual por parte da Polícia ao serviço do público. Nove dimensões necessárias ao policiamento democrático são identificadas, sendo que o resultado final pretendido é a confiança pública na Polícia, algo que resulta da sua legitimidade. O quadro conceptual apresentado não se destina apenas a descrever o policiamento democrático, mas também a orientar o planeamento estratégico nas organizações policiais, incluindo a Polícia da República de Moçambique (PRM).
Em Dezembro de 2020 entrarão em vigor em Moçambique o Código Penal revisto, o novo Código de Processo Penal e o Código de Execução das Penas. Embora serão introduzidas mudanças substanciais relacionadas com as alternativas à prisão e especificamente ao trabalho socialmente útil (TSU), este relatório avalia a implementação do TSU em Moçambique entre 2015 e 2019. Examina o seu uso pelos tribunais e a implementação pelo Serviço Nacional Penitenciário (SERNAP). As conclusões apontam para vários problemas de implementação, como o seu uso pouco frequente pelos tribunais, bem como desafios na monitoria dos infractores pelo Serviço de Penas Alternativas à Pena de Prisão (SPAPP). Vários problemas sistémicos foram encontrados, como falta de gestão, directrizes processuais e formações e falta de recursos materiais e financeiros necessários para a implementação efectiva do TSU. Independentemente de uma nova estrutura legal, é evidente que será necessário retirar lições valiosas do período em análise. Nas conclusões, o relatório aponta algumas recomendações para abordar as deficiências.
In December 2020 a revised Penal Code and new Criminal Procedure Code and Code on the Implementation of Penalties will enter into force in Mozambique. While substantial changes related to alternatives to imprisonment and specifically to community service will be introduced, this report assesses the implementation of community service orders (CSO) in Mozambique between 2015 and 2019. It examines its use by the courts and implementation by the Department for Corrections. The findings point to several implementation problems, such as its infrequent if not rare use by the courts as well as challenges in monitoring offenders by the Service for Alternatives to Imprisonment. A number of systemic problems were found, such as the lack of management, procedural guidelines, and training; understaffing, and a serious lack of material and financial resources necessary for the effective implementation of CSO. Regardless of a new legal framework, it is submitted that valuable lessons need to be taken from the period under review. Based on the findings, the report concludes with recommendations to address the shortcomings.
This factsheet deals with the power to arrest without a warrant in Mozambique. A 2013-decision by the Constitutional Council of Mozambique resulted in significant changes in law on who can arrest without a warrant, thus reducing the risk of arbitrary arrest. These changes and other developments bode well for reform in the criminal justice system. However, resource constraints place a substantive limitation on the Mozambican criminal justice system in general and specifically on complying with the 2013-decision of the Constitutional Council.
This report assesses the consequences of the 2013-decision of the Constitutional Council of Mozambique, which limits to judges the authority to order pre-trial detention for cases falling outside of flagrante delito (where the accused is caught in the act of committing the offence). Although the decision represents a progressive change in the jurisprudence of Mozambique’s highest court, judges, prosecutors and police encounter operational challenges in implementing the decision, in a country with a population of more than 28 million people. In 2017, there were 344 judges, 18 of which were Judges of Criminal Instruction, responsible for issuing warrants of arrest for cases outside of flagrante delito. Concerns were raised in relation to lack of financial and logistical resources for prosecutors, which are mandated to monitor the legality of police detention. As the criminal justice system is under-resourced, police officials have to wait for a judge to issue a warrant of arrest for cases falling outside of flagrante delito. Despite the decision, unlawful arrests continue to happen although there is anecdotal evidence that these have decreased. The 2013-decision has clarified who has the power to authorise arrest in these cases, but the situation is far from being resolved.
Although this first edition published in 2015, this became available in electronic form in January 2019.
This report investigates the legal frameworks of five African countries (Kenya Malawi, Mozambique, South Africa and Zambia) as they relate to the use of solitary confinement. The effect of long periods of solitary confinement have been shown to have severe impacts on a prisoner’s mental and physical well-being. The UN Human Rights Committee (UNHRC) has noted that the use of prolonged solitary confinement may amount to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, in breach of Article 7 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). In December 2015, the UN General Assembly adopted the revised United Nations Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners, also known as the Nelson Mandela Rules (‘2015 UNSMR’). The 2015 UNSMR addresses a key shortcoming in the protection and treatment of people in places of detention, as it, for the first time, sets down norms and limitations on the use of solitary confinement. The report concludes that there are major areas of non-compliance in each of the countries and this requires urgent attention
In Mozambique the courts close for 60 days from December until February for the ‘judicial vacation’ (férias judiciais). For emergency matters, shifts are arranged by the Supreme Court only at the court of first instance as regulated by articles 27 and 28 of Law 24/2007. At the moment there is a proposal before the First Commission of Parliament to revise this system and reduce the duration of the holidays to 30 days.
Em Moçambique, os tribunais fecham por 60 dias, entre Dezembro e Fevereiro para as férias judiciais. Por casos de emergência, turnos são organizados pelo Tribunal Supremo apenas nos tribunais de primeira instância, como regulados pelos Artigos 27 e 28 da Lei n. 24/2007. Actualmente uma proposta está na I Comissão da Assembleia da República para reduzir a duração das férias judiciais para 30 dias.
This article assesses developments in the prevention and eradication of torture in Mozambique. Despite several positive efforts and advances made, acts of torture and other cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment and punishment are still perpetrated by members of the security forces, especially police officials, often with impunity. The culture of impunity for such serious offences is a direct threat to human rights and the rule of law in the country and seriously compromises the country’s public integrity. Two issues are of deep concern and require more efforts by the state, namely: a) addressing impunity and ensuring prompt and impartial investigations of all allegations of torture and other ill-treatment, and b) protecting victims and providing the necessary restitution, rehabilitation and compensation. In conclusion we provide recommendations on how to improve the situation. These are: engaging in outreach and advocacy; improving and strengthening the national legislative framework; strengthening institutions; developing mechanisms for the reporting of torture: monitoring and evaluating existing reporting mechanisms; improving conditions of detention; establishing effective oversight over places of detention, and by maintaining records to improve transparency and availability of information.
Em preparação da Submissão da Sociedade Civil ao Comitê de Direitos Humanos das Nações Unidas
The publication of this report is intended to draw attention to the absence of the State Report and place pressure on the government to comply with its reporting obligations and other substantive obligations as required by the ICCPR.
Presentation by Lukas Muntingh
Estudo Comparação sobre Constitucionalidade da Legislação Penal e Penitenciaria; Constitucionalidade da Legislação Penal e Penitenciaria em Moçambique. Estudo de Comparação sobre Caução; Estudo sobre Caução em Moçambique.
Lukas Muntingh and Jean Redpath shared experiences of measuring performance and proposal writing with a range of Mozambican NGO's.
Apresentação de Gwen Dereymaeker
Apresentação de Kristen Petersen
This presentation was made to Mozambican delegates during a seminar held on 7 June 2017 in Maputo, Mozambique.
ACJR researchers Gwen Dereymaeker and Kristen Petersen shared the results of their comparative investigations into the constitutionality of criminal procedures, and bail regimes, in selected African countries, to judges at the Centro de Formação Jurídica e Judiciaria (Judicial Training Institute) of Mozambique. ACJR associate Tina Lorizzo, of REFORMAR, presented the results relevant to Mozambique in particular.
The Minister of Justice and Constitutional and Religious Affairs, Isaque Chande, as well as the Vice President of the Supreme Court, Dr. João Beirão, attended the Maputo launch of the report on 6 June 2017.
Apresentação de Jean Redpath
Apresentação de Lukas Muntingh
O projeto procurou compreender e quantificar a forma como a decisão de deter um arguido afecta os direitos socioeconómicos, isto é, os recursos dos indivíduos, inclusive aqueles além das pessoas em prisão. Os locais de reclusão, selecionados para o estudo, estão situados nos principais centros urbanos do Quênia (Nairobi), Moçambique (Maputo) e Zâmbia (Lusaka). O projeto descobriu que, embora existam semelhanças significativas observadas entre os três Centros Urbanos, também há notáveis tendências particulares, no impacto socioeconómico em cada país.
O projeto procurou compreender e quantificar a forma como a decisão de deter um arguido afecta os direitos socioeconómicos, isto é, os recursos dos indivíduos, inclusive aqueles além das pessoas em prisão.